Book Reviews  

Democracy in America, by Alexis De Tocqueville
De Tocqueville was a French aristocrat whose elitist temperament was made uncomfortable by his intellectual recognition of the benefits of democratic government. Although some of what he had to say in the 1830s is outdated, many of his observations and predictions were on-target. The excerpts below capture the flavor of De Tocqueville's classic work.

  • In public office, the new equalitarianism meant that all men were of essentially equal talents, that each American was capable of holding any position in government, and that democracy required a rotation in office to prevent the development of an untouchable bureaucratic elite or aristocracy.

  • Soon, however, the political power of the clergy was founded, and began to increase; the clergy opened their ranks to all classes, to the poor and the rich, the vassal and the lord; through the Church, equality penetrated into the Government. . . . 

  • [Re voter qualification] . . . concession follows concession, and no stop can be made short of universal suffrage.

  • Useful undertakings, which cannot succeed without perpetual attention and rigorous exactitude are frequently abandoned; for in America, as well as in other countries, the people proceed by sudden impulses and momentary exertions.

  • Democratic laws generally tend to promote the welfare of the greatest possible number; for they emanate from the majority of the citizens, who are subject to error, but who cannot have an interest opposed to their own advantage . . . Aristocracies are infinitely more expert in  the science of legislation than democracies ever can be.

  • The men who are entrusted with the direction of public affairs in the United States are frequently inferior, both in capacity and morality to those whom an aristocracy would raise to power.

  • The idea of right is simply that of virtue introduced into the political world. It was the idea of right which enabled men to be independent without arrogance, and to obey without servility.

  • My aim has been to show, by the example of America, that laws, and especially manners, may allow a democratic people to remain free. But I am very far from thinking that we ought to follow the example of the American democracy, for I am well aware of the influence which the nature of a country and its political antecedents exercise upon its political constitution; and I should regard it as a great misfortune for mankind if liberty were to exist all over the world under the same features.

  • The province of Texas is still part of the Mexican dominions, but it  will soon contain no Mexicans; the same thing has occurred wherever the Anglo-Americans have come in contact with a people of different origin.

  • [Commenting on the overall leveling effect of democracy] Democratic nations . . . will cultivate the arts which serve to render life easy, in preference to those whose object is to adorn it. They will habitually prefer the useful to the beautiful, and they will require the beautiful to be useful.

  • In democracies, manners are never so refined as among aristocratic nations, but on the other hand, they are never so coarse.

The Content of Our Characterby Shelby Steele

A professor of English at a long-integrated college, Steele in 1990 wrote:

By many measures, the majority of blacks -- those not yet in the middle class -- are further behind whites today than before the victories of the civil-rights movement. . . . If conditions have worsened for most of us as racism has receded, then much of the problem must be of our own making.

That kind of thinking has caused some blacks to consider Steele an Oreo, a traitor to his race. At the same time, Steele reports being called "nigger" by whites "every six months or so." Married to a white psychologist, he tends to smother his racial insights in psychological jargon, but his several messages come through. Rather than my telling you what Steele says, I've selected the following passages which capture both the substance and tone of his book.


  • In the writing [of this book], I have had both to remember and forget that I am black.

  • By many measures, the majority of blacks -- those not yet in the middle class -- are further behind whites today than before the victories of the civil-rights movement. But there is a reluctance among blacks to examine this paradox, I think, because it suggests that racial victimization is not our real problem.

  • From this point on, the race's advancement will come from the efforts of its individuals.

  • Whites were no longer welcome in the [civil rights] movement. . . . In the end, black power can claim no higher moral standing than white power.

  • Integration shock is essentially the shock of being suddenly accountable on strictly personal terms. It occurs in situations that disallow race as an excuse for personal shortcomings . . . For some years I have noticed that I can walk into any of my classes on the first day of the semester, identify the black students, and be sadly confident that on the last day of the semester, a disproportionate  number of them will be at the bottom of the class, far behind any number of white students of equal or even lesser native ability.

  • The race-holder whines . . . not because he seeks redress but because he seeks the status of victim . . . A victim is not responsible or his condition.

  • [Blacks belong] quite simply to the most despised race in the human community of races. [Almost losing his way by the excessive use of psychobabble here, Steele makes the valid point that blacks recognize this despisedness and suffer from having to internalize it.]

  • [Some blacks, especially on campus] self-segregate . . . If opportunity is a chance to succeed, it is also a chance to fail.

  • In black communities the most obvious entrepreneurial opportunities are routinely ignored. . . . Asians, from various backgrounds . . . have certainly endured racial discrimination and hostility. Yet, as a group, they have by most measures thrived in America.

  • {A black student told Steele] he was not sure he should master standard English because then he "wouldn't be black no more."

  • White Americans know that their historical advantage comes from the subjugation of an entire people. So, even for whites today for whom racism is anathema, there is no escape from the knowledge that makes for guilt. Racial guilt simply accompanies the condition of being white in America.

  • [Although Senator Hubert Humphrey assured everyone that affirmative action did not mean quotas] After black power, racial preferences became the order of the day.

  • Such policies [racial preferences] have the effect of  transforming whites from victimizers into patrons and keeping blacks were they have always been -- dependent on the largesse of whites.

  • Black though I may be, it is impossible for me to sit in my single-family house with two cars in the driveway and a swing set in the backyard and not see the role that class has played in my life. . . .middle class blacks in general are caught in a very specific double bind that keeps two equally powerful elements of our identity [class and race] at odds with each other. . . . [Middle class values] are, in themselves, raceless and even assimilationist.

  • It has always annoyed me to hear from the mouths of certain arbiters of blackness that middle-class blacks should "reach back" and pull up those blacks less fortunate than they. . . . My own image is of reaching back from a moving train to lift on board those who have no tickets. A noble sentiment -- but might in not be wiser to show them the entire structure of principles, effort, and sacrifice that puts one in a position to buy a ticket anytime one likes?

  • In America, many marginally competent or flatly incompetent whites are hired everyday -- some because their white skin suits the conscious or unconscious racial preference of their employer. . . . White incompetence is always an individual matter while for blacks it is often confirmation of ugly stereotypes. [Yet] I think affirmative action has shown itself to be more bad than good and that blacks -- whom I will focus on in this essay -- now stand to lose more from it than they gain.

  • In talking with affirmative action administrators and with blacks and whites in general, it is clear that supporters of affirmative action focus on its good intentions while detractors emphasize its negative effects.

  • Diversity is a term that applies democratic principles to races and cultures rather than to citizens, despite the fact that there is nothing to indicate that real diversity is the same thing as proportionate representation.

  • [Re the seeking of reparations] Suffering can be endured and overcome, it cannot be repaid.

  • Whites can have no racial innocence without earning it by eradicating discrimination and helping the disadvantaged to develop.

  • Once every six months or so someone yells "nigger" at me from a passing car. I don't like to think that these solo artists might soon make up a chorus, or worse, that this chorus might one day soon sing to me from the paths of my own campus. . . . I think that racial tension on campus is more the result of racial quality than inequality.

  • The accusation black Americans have always lived with is that they are inferior -- inferior simply because they are black. . . . Poles, Jews, Hispanics, and other groups also endure degrading stereotypes. But two things make the myth of black inferiority a far heavier burden -- the broadness of its scope and its incarnation in color. There are not only more stereotypes of blacks than of other groups, but these stereotypes are also more dehumanizing, more focused on the most despised human traits: stupidity, laziness, sexual immorality, dirtiness, and so on.

  • A black student at UCLA [reported being in a large lecture class of 300, where] Fifty or so black students sat in the back of the lecture hall and "acted out every stereotype in the book." They were loud, ate food, came in late -- and generally got lower grades than whites in the class. "I knew I would be seen like them, and I didn't like it. I never sat by them." [Not wanting to be seen "as lazy, ignorant, and stupid." . . . On a white campus, a black can never be far from these feelings.

  • [Some] young white students who have rediscovered swastikas and the word "nigger" . . . suffer from an exaggerated sense of  their own innocence, as if they were incapable of evil and beyond the reach of guilt.

  • Blacks can only know they are as good as others when they are, in fact, as good -- when their grades are higher and their dropout rate lower.

  • Black college students often take a leading role in demanding change on their campuses, yet as a group they have the lowest grade point average and the highest dropout rate of any student group in America -- collective action over individual initiative The national civil rights leadership relentlessly pressures the government for more and better social programs, yet does not put equal pressure on blacks to achieve as individuals -- one result being that we are often not developed enough to take advantage of the concessions civil rights leadership has won, such as affirmative action.

  • [After citing Martin Luther King] The promised land guarantees nothing, It is only an opportunity, not a deliverance.

Steel speaks of his youth and early life, and he describe experiences with discrimination and hate which one encounters in the biography of any accomplished black (Colin Powell. for another example). It is on the college campus, though, and in his interactions in the predominantly white circles in which his life places him that Steel best captures the apparently unavoidable hurts and resentments of being black in America.

Ivanhoe, by Sir Walter Scott
What fun re-reading this one. Scott's detailed descriptions of events and re-creation of 13th century dialogue evoked memories of Hollywood's great scenes of colorfully dressed knights in battle, at noisy drunken feasts, saving noble and pure maidens from a fate worse than death.

Scott is considered the writer who invented the historical novel. In Ivanhoe, for example, he brings together such different personalities as Richard Lion-Heart and Robin Hood. Even while he repeatedly suggests massive corruption and hypocrisy in the Catholic Church, he does an excellent job of depicting social life of and the interactions among nobles, serfs, slaves, church, kings, military/religious orders like the Templars, Jews. The Crusades were underway at the time, so the fight against Muslims is part of the background. 

And, writing in the late 1700s, early 1800s, he was certainly among the first to coin what we would now call psychological phrases as he justified or condemned the behavior of his heroes and villains. No cardboard characters here. Such characters as Ivanhoe, his love Rowena, the lovely "Jewess" Rebecca, her father Isaac, all display both admirable and censurable qualities. 

My Ivanhoe is a fragile hardbound 4 by 6 "pocket book" published in 1907. To enjoy the novel for the first or second time, pick up a paperback or borrow it from the Library. You'll experience several delightful hours. --- FJV: Nov 2005

The High Cost of Peace, by Yossef Bodansky
To get anything from this book, the reader must accept or ignore Bodansky's one-sided interpretation of every event he reports and of every source he cites involving the Middle East (the Arab World plus Iran, Israel, and Turkey) and the United States.

Bodansky charges most U.S. statesmen and presidents, especially Clinton, and every peacenik in Israel as being blind to the significance of each speech, trip, exchange of correspondence, telephone call, meeting, casual conversation to which he refers, in an unsuccessful effort to make his point by drowning the reader in, interpreted, details. 

Manifesting what I call a UFO mindset -- everything that happens or doesn't happen confirms one's preconception -- the author concludes that "Washington's Middle East policy left America vulnerable to terrorism."

Even though the author is less than careful, perhaps even less than truthful, when he equates events which shouldn't be equated, several useful bits of information emerge:

  • Iraq, though officially a secularist society, worked closely with Islamists in Palestine, Syria, Egypt, Iran.

  • Osama bin Laden and his movement were in and out of several attempts to coordinate military or "martyrdom terrorist" attacks against Israel (the "Zionist entity"), the U.S., and the West, in that order. And, yes, Saddam's regime had repeated contact with Al Qaeda as part of those attempts.

  • "Arab" isn't the same as "Muslim," which isn't the same as "Islamist." Iranians (Persians) are not Arabs. So, the various on again-off again anti-Jew and anti-Christian movements are variously labeled: Pan-Arab, Islam Nation, Arab Nation, Islam-Arab Nation, Greater Syria (and some Jews dream of Greater Israel).

One comes away from this book weary and impatient with both the Israelis and the Palestinians, wondering whether the U.S. shouldn't let these mutually hating populations have at each other without providing aid to anyone in the Middle East -- letting borders be set as they have been throughout history, by force. 
652 pages, Prima Publishing, Roseville, California

The Sunday Philosophy Club, by Alexander McCall Smith
This brief novel is simultaneously disappointing and delightful.

Disappointing because the plot is thin and the characters sketchy. Isabel, the protagonist, is a 40-year-old female busybody who can't keep her nose out of the affairs of others. Although we watch her daily routine and learn a bit about her day job, she never becomes a substantial presence. The descriptions of locale are brief like those of Agatha Christie, yet far short of matching Christie's solidity.

Delightful because  the author's gentle/never vigorous writing style seems perfectly appropriate to move the sketchy characters along the thin plot's development, maintaining just enough interest in the solution of a possible crime to keep one reading. The conversation is simple, with only the occasional British allusion which proves confusing for an American.

Delightful, too, because although the philosophy club in the book's title never meets, the author uses the thin plot and gentle dialogue as his way to illustrate his own philosophy about love, lying, living, self-awareness, whatever.

The book's jacket states that Smith is a best-selling author of novels featuring a Ladies' Detective Agency and that this book is the first in a new series featuring "the irrepressibly curious Isabel Dalhousie." 

Read this book if someone gives or lends it to you or if it goes on sale.
247 pages, Pantheon Books

A Jacque Barzun Reader, edited by Michael Murray
Because Barzun is more read about than read, this writer/essayist is sometimes thought of as a philosopher. An understandable mistake because his writings cover the intellectual universe: history, philosophy, literature, education, music, science.

Barzun is an irritatingly brilliant intellectual who likes words for their own sake, so a reader often has to wade through an ocean of words before encountering an actual thought, concept, idea. Yet, Barzun charges other writers with "literary conceit" when he counters their too-frequent condescension toward almost everyone who isn't a writer or artist with something like, "It is old women, not Grecian urns, that have in their time borne Keatses and Faulkners."

When he deals with political theory, Barzun is more readily understood. When he questions, for example, whether democracy is really exportable, his thought processes are not lost in a flow of words-for-words sake. Concerning youth in general, he makes the common charge that the young are rebels without a cause, that "the aggressive impulse of youth is against things as they are."

From his essay on art: "My judgment will be a good deal less wholesale that those of critics who find nothing but solace or menace in science, bureaucracy, or religion in the lump."

Barzun disparages Shakespeare by offering historic evidence that the Bard was not thought highly of in his own time and for 150 years after his death. Then, Barzun contends, "the Romantics invented" the Shakespeare who is today so admired. Coincidentally, The Economist, of London, recently published an essay suggesting that Shakespeare became popular only after French Revolutionists romanticized him.

Place this book at the end of one of your bookshelves, to pick up now and then, flip open, and read at random.
615 pages, Harper Collins

Right Turns, by Michael Medved
Michael Medved was famous/notorious as a film critic before he became famous/notorious as a radio talk show host. A secularist-turned-Orthodox Jew and a pot-smoking liberal-turned-straight laced conservative and a Democrat-turned-Republican, Medved is admired and despised with equal intensity.

And reading this excessively self-absorbed writing, even for an autobiography, makes it easy to understand that intensity. Intellectually brilliant and manically hyperactive in his youth, early years, and even in midlife, he strikes me as being only one impulsive decision away from converting to agnosticism or Buddhism, depending on what he had for breakfast. Chapter after chapter Medved drowns the reader in personal trivia as he tries to link every one of his intellectual moves, from political left to political right, to real-world events in his family, business, political, or religious life.

A bit too quick with witty and negative characterizations of almost everybody -- John Kerry, Bill & Hillary Clinton, Ted Kennedy -- Medved becomes overly defensive when he is the target of similar characterizations. Through it all, though, he makes it easy to track his journey from left to right as he describes his experiences in political campaigns for Democrats and Republicans . . . his defense of Mel Gibson and Gibson's Passion of The Christ movie against Medved's fellow Jews . . . how drive-alongs with police convinced him that cops know more about the real-world than professors . . . how illogical it is to denigrate the military which defends the protesters' freedoms  . . . why a more Christian America is good for Jews (a point also made by Senator Joe Lieberman on a recent TV talk show).

Seldom have I been so repeatedly irritated then pleased as when Medved's excessive preening gives way to interesting information and conclusions. One bonus from sticking with it was a new insight into theology or tradition behind some of the practices of Orthodox Jewry.

Throughout the entire book, though, Medved frenetically hops skips, and jumps -- geographically, in his employment, in his personal/family life, and intellectually. A tiring journey for the reader.
435 pages, Crown Publishing

Napoleon, by Paul Johnson
In this short survey of Napoleon's life and death, Johnson repeatedly compares Napoleon to Adolf Hitler. Both men, the author contends, refute "those determinists who hold that events are governed by forces, classes, economics, and geography rather than by the powerful wills of men and women." Samples of Napoleon/Hitler parallels: violent outbursts to intimidate friends and enemies (real or feigned, doesn't matter); Napoleon's Guard was "rather like Hitler's military SS divisions;" Post-Revolutionary France under Napoleon and post-Weimar Germany under Hitler were both "military dictatorships of one man;" establishment of Secret Police; Most of Europe came to hate Napoleon, "collectively and individually."

Johnson refers to Napoleon's "legacy of evil" and to the emperor's holding together his empire by "ubiquitous terror."

Johnson does not belittle Napoleon but neither does he lionize the emperor. Instead, the author illuminates the dark side of some of Napoleon's accomplishments: During several of his military victories and defeats, Napoleon looted, raped, massacred, wiped out entire villages in retaliation for the deeds of a few. Painters and sculptures, after the fact, camouflaged bitter defeats -- as in Egypt and Russia -- with heroic paintings and statues. Johnson compares intellectuals at the time who admired Napoleon to "George Bernard Shaw . . . falling for the Stalin image; Norman Mailer and others hero-worshiping Fidel Castro; and an entire generation, including many Frenchmen such as Jean-Paul Sartre, praising the Mao Zedong regime."

Johnson is a great writer, and this biographical sketch -- a fast read -- is enlighteningly informative.
187 pages, Penguin Group, New York

100 Decisive Battles, from Ancient Times to the Present, by Paul K. Davis
For each of 100 battles, beginning with almost unknown Megiddo (1479 B.C.) and ending with Desert Storm (1991), Davis first describes
the forces engaged, their commanders, and the importance, future significance, of the battle. Expanding, in roughly 2,000-word essays Davis then provides:

  • The historical setting

  • A description of the battle itself

  • The historic results of the victory or loss

As an example, the Spanish Armada
130 Spanish ships commanded by Duke of Medina-Sidonai
197 English ships commanded by Lord Howard of Effingham

Importance: "Spanish defeat marked the beginning of the decline of the Spanish Empire and made England the world's preeminent naval power, allowing the English to begin colonizing North America."

The author's explanatory text concludes that had the Spanish been able successfully to invade England, "the development of England as a world power would have been seriously postponed . . . Catholicism could have maintained its preeminence . . . Spanish power in North American may have proved almost limitless."

About Desert Storm, Davis's conclusions include "huge military success with mixed or negative political results" . . . debates are still going on about whether the coalition should have gone onto Baghdad . . . Had the American-dominated coalition deposed Saddam and implemented some form of king-making, "long-standing fears of western imperialism would certainly have been quick to rise again."

100 Decisive Battles makes excellent bedside reading. One can choose any battle in any order. The teaser, though, is that reading about one battle causes the reader to move quickly to another referenced fight. Jeanne d'Arc at Orleans, William of Orange at Hastings, George Washington at Trenton, Rommel vs Eisenhower at Normandy. Encountering intersecting religious and secular histories; meeting in diverse contexts many major historical men and women produces exciting, yet quietly satisfying reading experiences.
462 pages, Oxford University Press, New York

A History of the Jews, by Paul Johnson
Jew, gentile, atheist -- all will be informed and irritated, appreciative of and provoked by this book. As usual using what must be an army of researchers, Johnson often drowns his message in detail as he moves from Moses to Sharon by dividing Jewish history into seven periods: Israelites, Judaism, Cathedocracy, Ghetto, Emancipation, Holocaust, and Zion (creation of the State of Israel).

Throughout, the author weaves together the secular, religious, and racial strands of Jewish experiences. His secular history includes examples of Jews perpetrating, as well as being victims of, massacres and terrorism. About religion, Johnson objectively (offensively, some will feel) reviews Jewish mysticism and ritual, ancient to modern. About race, he addresses the sometimes confused self-image of Jews and the alleged self-hatred of outstanding Jews like Sigmund Freud and Karl Marx.

Pointing out that during Hitler's holocaust "not a single member" of any of the groups killing Jews died or was seriously harmed by the Jews being led to their death, Johnson struggled to explain that passivity by tying it to some Jews' religious belief that their entire history, including such horrors as the holocaust, is part of God's will.

The author describes Jews as often being anti-establishment, any establishment, and states matter-of-factly that Jews were correctly identified as leaders in Russia's communist revolution, a fact which Hitler exploited in his campaigns against them.

An excellent book.
644 pages, Harper/Perennial, New York

The Collected Works of C. S. Lewis
The Pilgrim's Regress, Christian Reflections, God in  the Dock
Best known for his best-sellers, The Screwtape Letters and The Chronicles of Narnia, C.S. Lewis is a God-oriented mind and spirit whose religious disposition infuses those popular works. In this book, Lewis is the serious searcher whose long, detailed, inner wanderings are alternately interesting, boring, irritating. The irritation comes from encountering too often the convoluted self-absorption which is characteristic of many real and aspiring intellectuals.

Nevertheless, one can sample this book and learn: why Lewis considers Evolution a "great myth;" the interrelationships he sees among culture, society, and Christianity; what might be the moral significance of recognizing pain in animals; how and why he labels some religions "thick" and some "clear." Few will read this work in its entirely, but open the book anywhere, read a few pages, and your mind encounters something substantial, even if not always comprehensible. 

Still, Lewis's practicality shows in statements like, "I can say a prayer while washing my teeth, but that does not mean I should wash my teeth in church."
536 pages, Inspirational Press, New York

Does American Need A Foreign Policy?, by Henry Kissinger
toward a diplomacy for the 21st century
" . . . placement of American nuclear missiles in Europe in the 1980s was opposed by demonstrations all over the continent."

Pre-Iraq, Kissinger was commenting that "relations between North America and Europe are beset by controversy." He mentioned that during the Suez crisis the Eisenhower administration worked to defeat France's and England's and Israel's military attempt to recapture the Canal. He reminds us that France and Germany "greeted with misgivings" Kennedy's handling of the Berlin crisis. Kissinger's explanation: " . . . to be expected when nations which had dominated global affairs for three centuries found themselves largely dependent on decision made three thousand miles away in Washington."

Calling on his own decades-long experience in diplomatic work, Kissinger brings the same historical perspective to his comments Asia, the Middle East, Africa, Latin America.

Well-indexed, "Foreign Policy" is a good read, a sophisticated primer of sorts, for anyone interested in world affairs and America's role in them.
318 pages, Simon & Schuster

American Aurora, by Richard N. Rosenfeld
A Democratic-Republican returns
This 988-page work is hard to follow, occasionally confusing, but worth the effort. Dealing with the intensely personal politics of the Washington-Jefferson-Adams-Franklin era, Rosenfeld reproduces and comments on hundreds of excerpts from two competing newspapers. The offensive personal exchanges are both caused by and affect the major political issue of the day: Should our new country favor France or England as those two nations fought each other directly, and indirectly on the American Continent.

The anti-Washington group belittled him personally and professionally and warned of impending tyranny under his direction. The anti-Franklin-Jefferson faction accused the two of being essentially in the pay of France. President John Adams's desire to build a navy was praised as properly defensive and attacked as giving France a reason to attack U.S. shipping.

History-and-politics at the very personal level: American Aurora is informative and interesting and occasionally exciting.
988 pages, St. Martin's Press, New York

Where the Right Went Wrong, by Patrick J. Buchanan
Blaming neoconservatives for subverting the Reagan Revolution and for hijacking the Bush Presidency, Buchanan repeats and reinforces his arguments against American's becoming an "empire." Labeled an isolationist because he suggests withdrawing troops from around the world and letting Europe take care of Europe, he especially opposes getting involved in the Mideast, where, he insists, the neocons have imposed Israel's foreign policy on the U.S. Buchanan cites evidence that "our reflexive support of Israel" is "universally resented."

He suspects that "if the Iraqi insurgents and Islamic warriors are willing to die indefinitely to drive us out of that country and their world, the probability is that they will one day succeed."

Of China, he says that country "is determined to become again the first power on earth" and that "her obsession is Taiwan."

Of Latin America: "Mexicans are moving back into former Mexican territories in the American Southwest."

About the global economy: Buchanan cites with praise, Theodore Roosevelt's "I thank God I am not a free trader."

About the growth of government, he quotes a Congressman who worries, "How can a nation survive when a majority of its citizens, now dependent on government services, no longer have the incentive to restrain the growth of government?"

Buchanan, a former presidential speech writer and founder of three famous talk shows -- The McLaughlin Group, The Capitol Gang, and Crossfire is an excellent writer, and this book is well-indexed, making it a valuable reference work for anyone concerned with social/economic/political affairs.

But it helps to remember that Buchanan's jeremiad has been preceded by similar bleak outlooks during our Revolutionary War and Civil War. Just 18 months after the end of World War II, influential writers were declaring that the occupation had failed, that people throughout Europe hated the U.S.

Remember, too, that the U.S. lived with years of insurgency in the Philippines, yet established democracy there and gave them their independence. France in Angola, Britain in India, Belgium and Germany in Africa: all lived with insurgency so long as they felt the toll was worth it. Britain stayed in India even after a mutiny by the Indian troops it had trained, granting independence only after Ghandi, who by the way could not bring himself to support Britain in its fight against the Axis.

A good part of the delight of reading such books as Where the Right Went Wrong is in putting what the author says in historical, and current, context. Even liberals who hate conservatives will enjoy and benefit from reading Buchanan's book.
264 pages, thoroughly indexed, St. Martin's Press, New York

Betrayal, by Linda Chavez
How Union Bosses Shake Down Their Members and Corrupt American Politics
That dozen-word subtitle says as much as need be said about this book by the former union official who was President Bush's original nominee for Secretary of Labor. The message is clear, but the writing style is pedestrian, even boring, as Chavez cites example after example to support her thesis. Surprisingly, it is the list of chapter-by-chapter footnotes which contain interesting bits of information and which offer great leads to useful sources.
265 pages, Random House, New York

Once Upon a Town, by Bob Greene
A delightful book, excellent bedside reading. In 23 short and gentle paragraphs, Greene brings to life the unique North Platte Canteen. During World War II, this tiny Nebraska town was a 15-minute stop for troop trains traveling east or west across the country. Somehow, dozens, then scores of dedicated volunteers arranged to have snacks, sandwiches, cakes, cookies, pies, even small meals ready for each of several trains a day, and night. There was even a piano, and some of the soldiers or sailors played it while local teen age girls jitterbugged with the troops. "No slow-dancing, which might make the guys miss their hometown sweethearts."

Greene visits North Platte, where the old railroad station/canteen no longer exists, and recreates the Forties atmosphere, physically, emotionally, mentally. He travels the country to interview volunteers, mostly women, and veterans who fondly recall the 15-minute stops. Their memories recall a unified nation fighting a different war at a different time.
257 pages, Harper/Collins Publishers, New York

How To Talk To A Liberal (if you must), by Ann Coulter
Whether commenting about the way young Elian Gonzalez was taken from his Florida relative and returned to his father in Cuba or about gay marriage or about John Kerry during the Democrat primaries, Ann Coulter is direct, blunt. An example: ". . . about half of liberal conspiracy theories involved the Jews. So be prepared for that."

Coulter chides those who would avoid all criticism of Max Cleland, who lost his limbs in Vietnam, for not acknowledging that the grenade explosion which injured Cleland came from an accidentally dropped grenade which was dropped, not in combat, but in a holding area where the troops were having a beer.

The book is a compilation of her articles over several years, here grouped by topic, rather than chronologically. Even in her groupings, the chapter titles reflect Coulter's distain of the liberal mindset as she sees it:

  • A Muslim by Any Other Name Blows Up Just the Same

  • Barbara Streisand Feels Your Pain (According to Her Publicist)

  • Give Us Twenty-two Minutes, We'll Give Up the Country

  • The Only Cop the New York Times Likes Is the One in the Village People

  • Hello, Room Service? Send Up a Bottle, a Blonde, and a Gun

Coulter comes up with memorable comments, like "Who would Jesus kill?" and "Liberals haven't the vaguest idea what Christianity is." and "Arab hijackers now eligible for pre-boarding." Importantly, she offers documentation for many of her controversial rebuttals to how the "liberal media" slants its reporting of domestic and international news. About reprinting some of her older columns, Coulter says, "Unlike liberals, who would rather have their old columns defending H Chi Minh just  go away, I would prefer that my columns be more closely read."

Overall, Coulter's writing style is a bit rambling, reflecting her speaking style where her emphasis is more readily determined by voice tone, loudness/softenss, and inflection. Agree or disagree, How To Talk To A Liberal is an interesting book.
353 pages, Crown Publishing, New York

The Warrior Queens, by Antonia Fraser
The legends and the lives of the Women who have led their nations in War
Spoiled a bit by Fraser's pedantic compulsion to use trivia as an excuse to cite her many sources, this book nevertheless contains interesting portraits of women as diverse as Cleopatra and Queen Elizabeth or Jinga (a leader in 19th century Mutiny of British-trained Indian troops) and Margaret Thatcher.

Adopting a feminist mindset (reasonable, not excessive) the author attempts to separate fact from myth. In so doing, she provide excellent reading for both those who care about a feminist interpretation of history and those who care about the history for its own sake. Not an easy read, primarily because Fraser repeatedly alludes  to earlier pages, which makes it difficult to use the skim-and-select technique to identify and really read only what matters to you.
383 pages, Vantage Books, New York

The Da Vinci Code, by Dan Brown
This hard-to-put-down mystery novel is considered controversial, irreverent, heretical by some because of its basic theme: that Jesus and Mary Magdalene were married and had children, and that the documentation which "proves" this has been protected and hidden for centuries by secretly chosen people who are not beyond murdering to protect the secret. And Browne pretends to believe that the plot is real.

For me, the book runs about 50 pages too long, and the ending is -- probably unavoidably -- anti-climatic, but it is a fun-read.
454 pages, Doubleday, New York

To America, by Stephen E. Ambrose
Personal Reflections of an Historian
It's hard to say why Ambrose wrote this book. Although there are interesting details about such matters as the process he went through writing a 3-volume Nixon biography, much of the book seems like self-indulgent  posturing about himself and his family. So, the title, To America, seems almost misleading.

What brought me to this book was having read some of Ambrose's outstanding works, like Undaunted Courage about the Lewis & Clark expedition. He is a tight writer, creating memorable images from a lot of details. So, despite the autobiographical spin of To America, one encounters many informative items while he muses over topics as varied as the Battle of New Orleans, the Transcontinental Railroad, General Custer, Women's Rights, and American Racism.
265 pages, Simon & Schuster, New York

American Soldier, by General Tommy Franks
Occasionally histrionic but always direct, sometime to the point of bluntness, General Franks's account of the Afghanistan and Iraq wars comes through as history-in-the-making.

His Prologue sets the tone by describing the teleconference during which President Bush ordered him to begin operations in Iraq. About 500 pages later, in an Epilogue which is titled "Creases in History, Franks offers up-to-the-minute-of-publication comments about everything from media reporting to Iraq's infrastructure and about everybody from Secretary of Defense Rumsfeld through CIA Chief Tenet to Secretary of State Powell. Among the points General Franks make in his Epilogue:

  • No credible Iraqi leader has asked us to leave the country.

  • His expectation that the post-major combat commitment will last five years. Relatedly, civil war raged in the Balkans for years after the defeat of Hitler and, before that, civil war raged for years in Europe and Asia Minor after World War I destroyed the Austro-Hungarian and Ottoman empires.

  • From the  terrorist bombings of our Marine barracks in Beirut in 1983, through the truck bomb attack on the World Trade Center in 1993, the Khobar Towers bombing in Saudi Arabia in 1996, the East Africa Embassy bombings in 1998, and the attack on the USS Cole in October 2000, "terrorists have been killing America for more than two decades."

  • Based on America's relative responses, or non-responses, to all those attacks, our avowed enemies, Iraq included, concluded that "Americans will not tolerate casualties." 

  • What he calls the "shameful chapter" of Abu Ghraib Prison.

In the 500 pages between his prologue and epilogue, General Franks -- in almost autobiographical format -- takes us through civilian-political-military discourse and experiences from Korea, Vietnam, the first Gulf War, Somalia. He touches on the pluses and minuses, as he sees them, of reorganization at the Pentagon, the nation's and international intelligence performance, and his on-the-ground experience with the entire Weapons of Mass Destruction imbroglio. Franks says it was at his request that President Bush made the shipboard proclamation about the end of major combat. The general felt that something should be done to praise and honor American troops, especially since the United Kingdom held a parade for its military returning from Iraq.
590 pages, HarperCollins Publications, New York

A National Party No More, by Senator Zell Miller
The conscience of a conservative Democrat
The opening pages of this book were emotionally disappointing, after having heard Senator Miller deliver his angry speech at the Republican Convention. Emotionally disappointing but intellectually stimulating. 

Actually written in 2002, more than a year before the Republican Convention, the book calmly point-by-point presents Zell's mental journey to that angry speech. A combination of autobiography and of evolving political beliefs, A National Party No More, provides readers with interesting and informative context, not only for this election but for monitoring future political developments
237 pages, Stroud & Hall Publishing, Atlanta, GA

Lincoln The Unknown, by Dale Carnegie
This short, sad biography focuses on Lincoln's many unhappy experiences -- in his love life, family life, politics, and war. In so doing, and with the unfortunate insertion of a trace of psychobabble by Carnegie, the book might cause one to wonder how Lincoln ever made it through life. On the other hand, the written portrait is a very human one, showing how greatness comes in large part from transcending personal misfortunes.
255 pages, Dale Carnegie & Associates, Garden City, NY

February is Black History Month:
from 1995 Edition, Great Books Today 
The Souls of Black Folk, by W.E.B. Du Bois 

Du Bois (he pronounced it to rhyme with "rejoice") reminds me of Carlyle's The French Revolution, in that Du Bois mixes facts, interpretations, poetry, biblical citations, and classical allusions in an almost mystical style. He writes objectively and subjectively, but it is easy to identify the mode of any paragraph or passage. Thus, he shows how the U.S. Government tried -- with its Freedmen's Bureau and working with as many as 50 charitable groups, but with no money -- to implement the promises of 40 acres and a mule and of education. He cites the efforts of New England school marms to set up 1-room school houses throughout the South. He even dares to describe the pluses as well as the minuses of slavery as practiced in the South, characterizing Southerners by both their praiseworthy and evil attitudes. The excerpts, below, capture his objective/subjective style. 

"Looking now at the county black population as a whole, it is fair to characterize it as poor and ignorant. Perhaps ten per cent compose the well-to-do and the best of the laborers, while at least nine per cent are thoroughly lewd and vicious. The rest, over eighty per cent, are poor and ignorant, fairly honest and well meaning, plodding and to a degree shiftless, with some but not great sexual looseness. Such class lines are by not means fixed; they vary, one might almost say, with the price of cotton. The degree of ignorance cannot be easily expressed. We may say, for instance, that nearly two-thirds of them cannot read or write. This but partially expresses the fact. They are ignorant of the world about them, of modern economic organization, of the function of government, of individual worth and possibilities, -- of nearly all those things which slavery in self-defense had to keep them from learning. Much that the white boy imbibes from his earliest social atmosphere forms the puzzling problems of the black boy's mature years. America is not another word for Opportunity to all her sons." 

"Free! The most piteous thing amid all the black ruin of war-time, amid the broken fortunes of the masters, the blighted hopes of mothers and maidens, and the fall of an empire, -- the most piteous thing amid all this was the black freedman who threw down his hoe because the world called him free. What did such a mockery of freedom mean? Not a cent of money, not an inch of land, not a mouthful of victuals, -- not  even ownership of the rags on his back. Free! On Saturday, once or twice a month, the old master, before the war, used to dole out bacon and meal to his Negroes. And after the first flush of freedom wore off, and his true helplessness dawned on the freedman, he came back and picked up his hoe, and old master still doled out his bacon and meal." 

"Guerrilla raiding, the ever-present flickering after-flame of war, was spending its forces against the Negroes . . . " 

Book Reviews 2

Book Reviews 3

4 books dealing with Black History

Shelby Steele:
"
In my daily life I continue to experience racial indignities. This morning I was told that blacks had too much musical feeling (soul, I suppose) to be good classical musicians; yesterday I passed two houses with gnomish little black lawn jockeys on the front porch; my children have been called "nigger," not to mention myself; I wear a tie and carry a professional briefcase so my students on the first day of class will know I'm the teacher; and so on."

American Soldier, by General Tommy Franks

A National Party No More, by Senator Zell Miller, The conscience of a conservative Democrat 

Lincoln The Unknown, by Dale Carnegie

4 Readings during Black History Month

To America, by Stephen E. Ambrose

The Da Vinci Code, by Dan Brown

The Warrior Queens, by Antonia Fraser

Once Upon a Town, by Bob Greene

How To Talk to a Liberal (if you must), by Ann Coulter

Betrayal, by Linda Chavez

Where the Right Went Wrong, by Patrick J. Buchanan

The Skeptical Environmentalist, by Bjorn Lomborg

American Aurora, by Richard N. Rosenfeld

Does America Need A Foreign Policy?, by Henry Kissinger

The Collected Works of C. S. Lewis

A History of the Jews, by Paul Johnson

100 Decisive Battles, by Paul K. Davis

Napoleon, by Paul Johnson

Right Turns, by Michael Medved

A Jacque Barzun Reader, edited by Michael Murray

The Sunday Philosophy Club, by Alexander McCall Smith

The Souls of Black Folk, by W.E.B.Du Bois

Animal Farm, by George Orwell

4 Readings during Black History Month 2006

In large part to participate intellectually in Black History Month 2006, I read or re-read four books dealing with racial problems. In chronological order of being written, the book are:

The first two books were written by American black men, the third by a 7-man British news team whose racial mix was not disclosed, the fourth by an American of Asian Indian descent.

Other Book Reviews


The Souls of Black Folk
by W.E.B. DuBois
1903


Du Bois (rhymes with "rejoice) reminds me of Carlyle's The French Revolution, in that Du Bois interweaves facts, interpretations, poetry, biblical citations, and classical allusions in an almost mystical style. He writes both objectively and subjectively, but it is easy to identify the mode of any paragraph or passage. Thus, he shows how the U.S. Government tried -- with its Freedmen's Bureau and working with as many as 50 charitable groups, but with no money -- to implement the promises of 40 acres and a mule and of education. He cites the efforts of New England school marms to set up 1-room school houses throughout the South. He even dares to describe the pluses as well as the minuses of slavery as practiced in the South, characterizing Southerners by both their praiseworthy and evil attitudes. The two lengthy extracts, below, capture his objective/subjective style.

"Looking now at the county black population as a whole, it is fair to characterizes it as poor and ignorant. Perhaps ten per cent compose the well-to-do and the best of the laborers, while at least nine per cent are thoroughly lewd and vicious. The rest, over eighty per cent, are poor and ignorant, fairly honest and well meaning, plodding and to a degree shiftless, with some but not great sexual looseness. Such class lines are by no means fixed; they vary, one might almost say, with the price of cotton. The degree of ignorance cannot be easily expressed. We may say, for instance, that nearly two-thirds of them cannot read or write. This but partially expresses the fact. They are ignorant of the world about them, of modern economic organization, of the function of government, of individual worth and possibilities -- of nearly all those things which slavery in self-defense had to keep them from learning. Much that the white boy imbibes from his earliest social atmosphere forms the puzzling problems of the black boy's mature years. America is not another word for Opportunity to all her sons." 

"Free! The most piteous thing amid all the black ruin of war-time, amid the broken fortunes of the masters, the blighted hopes of mothers and maidens, and the fall of an empire, -- the most piteous thing amid all this was the black freedman who threw down his hoe because the world called him free. What did such a mockery of freedom mean? Not a cent of money, not an inch of land, not a mouthful of victuals, -- not  even ownership of the rags on his back. Free! On Saturday, once or twice a month, the old master, before the war, used to dole out bacon and meal to his Negroes. And after the first flush of freedom wore off, and his true helplessness dawned on the freedman, he came back and picked up his hoe, and old master still doled out his bacon and meal." 

"Guerrilla raiding, the ever-present flickering after-flame of war, was spending its forces against the Negroes . . . "

Du Bois speaks of "the other world" when attempting to describe how it feels "to be a problem." When approached by friendly whites with examples of "excellent colored men" they know or who want to point out that they fought for the North in the Civil War, the educated black must decide whether to smile, be interested, or "reduce the boiling to a simmer, as the occasion may require."

It is a sensation of a "double consciousness" which gives the American Negro "two souls, two thoughts, two unreconciled strivings; two warring ideals in one dark body, whose dogged strength alone keeps it from being torn asunder."

That sense of two-ness was a major factor in Du Bois's rejection of what he termed the "narrow commercial" focus of Booker T. Washington. Du Bois characterizes Washington's encouragement for black to become successful workers in commerce and industry as "counsels of submission" which overlooked "elements of manhood."

The Autobiography of an Ex-Coloured Man
by James Weldon Johnson
1912 & 1927


Supposedly written by a musician/composer with an "Italian complexion," who in his childhood was told he was black, after living for years as a white, this "autobiography" is really a novel. The narrator much later in life decides to pass for white again, marries and has children whom he feels obligated to protect, as white, after his wife dies.

Softly, with only a occasional touch of anger, he depicts the burden of being black, even a successful black -- after years of experiences, including black "low-life." The tone and substance of Autobiography are best captured with meaningful extracts written by a man who admits to having "natural and acquired Bohemian tastes."

[Running home at age nine just after learning that he wasn't white and being assigned a "coloured" designation by a teacher] "Mother, mother, tell me, am I a nigger?"

[Looking back on that day] "And so I have often lived through that hour, that day, that week, in which was wrought the miracle of my transition from one world into another; for I did indeed pass into another world. From that time I looked out through other eyes, my thoughts were coloured, my words dictated, my actions limited by one dominating, all-pervading idea [being coloured]."

"When I learned that Alexandre Dumas was a coloured man, I re-read Monte Cristo and The Three Guardsmen with magnified pleasure."

[After mentioning musical and literary accomplishments by "coloured people"] "In this measure, at least . . . all of the Indians between Alaska and Patagonia haven't done as much."

[Ragtime music] "originated in the questionable resorts about Memphis and St. Louis by Negro-piano-players who knew no more of the theory of music than they did of  the theory of  the universe, but were guided by natural musical instinct and talent."

[Describing white high society people who thought of him as white when he played piano in their gatherings] "These were people . . . who were ever expecting to find happiness in novelty, each day restlessly exploring and exhausting every resource in this great city which might possibly furnish a new sensation or awaken a fresh emotion . . . "

"The French are more logical and freer from prejudices than the British . . .morality of the French . . . hypocrisy of the Anglo-Saxon."

[Speaking of the differences between upper class coloured in the North and the South] "The difference was especially noticeable in their speech. There was none of that heavy-tongued enunciation which characterizes even the best-educated coloured people of the South."

". . . black men generally marry women fairer than themselves . . . dark women of stronger mental endowment are very often married to light-complexioned men."

[Quoting a black doctor who was commenting on the best and worst of black behavior] "You see those lazy, loafing, good-for-nothing darkies; they're not worth digging graves for; yet they are the ones who create impressions of the race . . . because they are always in evidence on street corners, while the rest of us are hard at work."

[After his white wife died (she knew of his background) and after he had lived "white" and decided he had to continue doing so to protect his children] "I have sold my birthright for a mess of pottage."

the black man in search of power
by a news team from The Times (London)
1968


The United Kingdom had race riots a decade before the United States; the major riot, in Nottingham, occurred in 1958. The U.S. riots were in 1967.

As the writers deal with Britain's racial problems and use international references, they repeatedly focus attention on American racial history, sometimes citing commonalities and sometimes pointing out uniqueness -- as the following excerpts and comments demonstrate.

Writing the year after the 1967 American riots: ". . . nervous white Americans have been making the same response as their ancestors made when they were faced by hostile Red Indians; they are reaching for their guns."

Ghettoes are "politically controlled by the whites" . . . are the equivalent of Latin-American countries which are "colonies of the United States."

Although "the Portuguese are colour-blind" and although there is "lack of colour prejudice within the Portuguese army . . . Angola and Mozambique [Portugal's African colonies] must be taken first."

About any "sense of solidarity" among African nations: "This brotherhood, this instinctive identification, often degenerates into bloody strife."

"One Negro family in four is headed by a woman -- evidence of the marital discord which constant unemployment, bad living conditions and financial trouble cause in the ghetto. Only 9 per cent of white families are headed by women."

Over the centuries, "London's history shows hostility, sometimes resulting in riots," against Huguenots, Jewish refugees, the Irish. "Native British people at the bottom of the pile, fighting to scrape a living and provide a sometimes leaking roof over their heads, are inclined to resent the arrival of newcomers eager to share already meagre resources."

Two thousand years ago, "the Romans found the Britons inherently inferior . . . utterly stupid and incapable of learning."

After six Englishmen were stabbed by West Indian blacks, whites fought the police who were protecting the immigrants, the Ku Klux Klan got into the picture, the immigrants suspected government-appointed helpers were spies, even after the U.K. employed "whole-time coloured welfare officers."

"In Britain there are black people who think in terms of actually carrying out violence as a protest, rather as Welsh extremists blow up reservoir pipelines carrying water to the thieving English."

"The simple truth is that in Africa, America and Britain, black people are protesting against white privilege [and relating their protest to the thoughts of] "post-Marxist revolutionary ideology of the new dissenters who have Castro, Mao, Stokely Carmichael and Ché Guevera as their prophets."

" . . . coloured teenagers are stopped and questioned, even searched, by police more frequently than most people would imagine."

As has happened in the U.S., Britain's coloured people insisted on having police who look like them . . . The British police found it difficult to find qualified candidates . . . When they did, the coloured community said, "Man, that's selling out. When you join the cops, you think like them."

Because Asians and well as blacks experience discrimination in the United Kingdom, diverse coloured groups have attempted to form "multi-racial organizations of of militant groups."

 

The End of Racism
by Dinesh D'Souza
1995

This book will anger you if you believe --
  • Equal results for groups are more important than equal rights for individuals.
  • Groups must be proportionately represented in all public and private sectors.
  • No culture is superior to any other.
  • Western culture properly dominates major world civilizations.
  • Martin Luther King was wrong.
  • Today's self-appointed black leaders have created a civil rights "industry."
  • There is a mystical superiority emanating out of Africa.
  • Africa has yet to produce great writing or any significant civilizational benefit.

Although D'Souza does attempt to be fair (fair, not "balanced") as those snippets suggest, the Jesse Jacksons and Al Sharptons of the world understandably consider The End of Racism a racist attack on blacks. For one thing, the writer concentrates mostly on group differences -- real, imagined, statistical. He questions the logic of those black leaders who speak of "my people" and "we blacks," identifying themselves as a group who need special consideration -- then take offense when whites make generalizations about black behavior or speak of "you people."

The writers of the three books reviewed above, especially Du Bois and Johnson, dealt mostly with the lives of individuals, and they rather reluctantly addressed group characteristics. When they did, they cited beneficial, harmful, pleasant, ugly, gentle, coarse characteristics of blacks. Du Bois went so far as to assign percentages: a talented ten percent at one end and nine percent "lewd and vicious" at the other end. Martin Luther King stressed the need to modify some black behavior (see his comment in the column at right).

In 13 chapters and using 2,198 chapter end-notes, D'Souza makes such statements, references, and inferences as the following.

  • "Black rage, white backlash, liberal despair": Blacks, including middle- and upper-class, are angry that civil rights laws and developments have not completely eliminated racism; Whites are challenging oals and quotas and affirmative action in general, claiming "reverse discrimination"; Liberals can't understand what went wrong, why so many blacks continue to live in dysfunctional cultures.
  • Studies of group intelligence conducted in modern times -- by Americans, Europeans, Japanese -- repeatedly give the same results: Asians the smartest, whites in between, blacks last. Earlier studies by some WASPS "proved" that White Anglo Saxon Protestants are superior to blacks, Russians, Italians, Hungarians -- everybody else.
  • Afrocentrism closely parallels white racism.
  • 5,000 years after the wheel had been invented (probably in Mesopotamia) it remained unknown in Africa.
  • It was the Portuguese who arrived on the shores of black Africa, not black Africans who journeyed to Europe. 
  • When whites first encountered Australian aborigines, the natives  had not yet developed the bow and arrow.
  • [Some writers maintained] the Irish were the most barbarian people in the world. In the American South, a black slave was considered more valuable than an Irish laborer. The Irish were assigned the more dangerous work.
  • When whites cluster, it's segregation; when blacks do, it's a support group.
  • American Indians practiced slavery long before Columbus arrived.
  • U.S. State Department is forced to lower employment standards because so few African Americans speak foreign languages . . . Blacks prefer soft sciences, sociology. and have few doctorates in science, engineering, economics, language.
  • "So if Hill Street Blues was racist because it portrayed black criminals, and the Cosby Show was racist because it did not, is it possible to arrive at agreement on what constitutes nonracist television?"
  • Intermarriage is making it less and less useful for the government to collect racial statistics or to create race-based programs.
  • [Aryan racist writer] Gobineau asks where is the American Indian or African version of Caesar, Newton, Charlemagne, Homer?
  • Southern slavery led to a lackadaisical approach to punctuality and hard work" -- among slaves and masters both.
  • African Blacks fought the early anti-slavery movements. Tribal leaders in Gambia, the Congo, Dahomey, and other African nations "that had prospered under the slave trade" sent delegations to Europe to "vigorously protest the abolition of slavery."
  • Those who would suggest that there is a difference between goals and quotas cannot distinguish between a push and a shove.
  • [French writer Anatole Fance] "The law . . . equally forbids rich and poor alike to sleep under bridges and to steal bread."
  • Poor blacks are now a minority of African Americans.
  • The Nation of Islam does good, social, things. That was also true of the fascists in Germany and Italy.
  • IQ should not be confused with morality.
  • If race concepts are fictional, there is no logical basis for civil rights laws.
  • Nature vs. nurture; evolution; ice people; sun people -- attempts to explain differences between races.
  • We have witnessed "nothing less than a breakdown of civilization within the African American community. . . . Are there cultural factors which reduce a race's "civilizational" abilities?
  • If racism was not the primary obstacle currently facing blacks, many in the civil rights movement would have to find something to do.
  • [Citing Alice Walker] Single motherhood is an honor able vocation for African Americans and the European tradition of marriage is obsolete and should be abolished.
  • Proportional representation erodes the principle of merit. People should be able to live with the results if they are assured of equality of rights.

D'Souza mentions Jesse Jackson's comment of feeling relieved when the footsteps he heard belonged to whites; then the writer reports Jack's retraction/clarification of that remark.

D'Souza uses terms like "rational discrimination" to contend that real data justify some qualifications -- when seeking a mortgage, for example. He contends that groups do differ; they go into different occupations, different sports. He thinks it is too conveniently one-sided for blacks to charge "institutional racism" when results don't equate to "proportional representation."

The writer expresses concern that today's American Blacks seem polarized among themselves: historically, are they still choosing between Du Bois and Booker T. Washington (see above)? currently, can they not resolve their differences between achieving Martin Luther King's color-blind society and suspecting that a color-blind society would be racially biased against blacks.

(continued at bottom of column at right)

 

D'Souza quotes others
(some samples)

Think about it: we went into slavery pagans; we came out Christians. We went into slavery pieces of property; we came out American citizens. We went into slavery with chains clanking about our wrists; we came out with the American ballot in our hands . . . . Notwithstanding the cruelty and morally wrong of slavery, we are in a stronger and more hopeful condition, materially, intellectually, morally, and religiously than is true of an equal number of black people in any other portion of the globe. -- Booker T. Washington

At some future period, the civilized races of man will almost certainly exterminate and replace the savage races throughout the world. -- Charles Darwin

Du Bois was a creation of Europe and Harvard, but Booker T. stayed close to the land. He was one of us. Instead of following his example, instead of building ourselves as a people, we have this generation of self-promoting octoroons who are making a good living by playing the white man. Is this how we advance the race: by wailing and crying? -- Elizabeth Wright

We must not let the fact that we are the victims of injustice lull us into abrogating our responsibility for our own lives. We must not use our oppression as an excuse for mediocrity and laziness. Our crime rate it too high. Our level of cleanliness is frequently far too low. We are too often loud and boisterous, and spend far too much on drink. By improving our standards here and now, we will go a long way toward breaking down the arguments of the segregationist. -- Martin Luther King

There is a class of colored people who make a business of keeping the troubles, the wrongs, and the hardships of the Negro race before the public. Some of these people do not want the Negro to lose his grievances, because they do not want to lose their jobs. -- Booker T. Washington

There is nothing more painful for me than to walk down the street and hear footsteps and start to think about robbery, and then see it's somebody white and feel relieved. -- Jesse Jackson

Show me the Proust of the Papuans and I'll read him. -- Saul Bellow

If black people kill black people every day, why not have a week and kill white people? -- Sister Souljah

We do not want the word to get out that we want to exterminate the Negro population. -- Margaret Sanger, founder of Planned Parenthood

The little nuclear family is a paradigm that just doesn't work. Why are we hanging onto it, I don't know. I don't think a female running the house is a problem. It's perceived as one because of the notion that a head is a man. . . . The child's not going to hurt the women. Who cares about the schedule? What is this business that you have to finish high school at 18? The body is ready to have babies. Nature wants it done then. I want to take them all in my arms and say: Your baby is beautiful and so are you. . . . And when you want to be a brain surgeon, call me - I will take care of your baby. -- Toni Morrison

Black American ethnicity has encouraged the intellectual reinforcement of aspects of black life that are just plain rotten. The street culture of petty crime, drug addiction, paternal irresponsibility, whoring, pimping, and superfly inanity, all of which damage and destroy fellow blacks, instead of being condemned by black ethnic leaders has, until recently, been hailed as the embodiment of black soul. -- Orlando Patterson

The most illiterate among them is related, in a way that I am not, to Dante, Shakespeare, Michelangelo, Aeschylus, Da Vinci, Rembrandt and Racine; the cathedral at Chartres says something to them which it cannot say to me. Out of their hymns and dances came Beethoven and Bach. Go back a few centuries and they are in their full glory -- but I am in Africa, watching as the conquerors arrive. -- James Baldwin


 

(continued from column at left)

One can empathize and sympathize with the black scholar who said of The End of Racism that the book . . . 

". . . is wrong, dead wrong, on almost every topic it discusses and the explanations it offers. Yet it is an entrancing book, and I could not put it down. If I found myself arguing with every sentence, that shows how Dinesh D'Souza compels his readers to reassess their own assumptions."

Animal Farm, by George Orwell
This may be the fourth time I have read Animal Farm; it was published in 1946. I pick up the 118-page novel of social/political comment when I need to take a break from heavier reading. By now, even those who have never read Orwell are familiar with phrases like, "All animals are created equal, but some animals are more equal than others" and "Four legs good, two legs bad."

The animals, led by the pigs, revolted, drove their human owner off the farm, and established their own society and government. The last of the Seven Commandments they adopted stated, "All animals are created equal."

As the months and years passed, all except the pigs were puzzled by changes in the rules, by unexplained happenings, by being told that all except the pigs were incorrectly remembering their early history. The pigs moved into the farm house, began to wear clothes -- violating the 3rd commandment; slept in beds (4th); drank alcohol (5th). A "traitor" was executed, violating the Sixth Commandment, "No animal shall kill any other animal." The pigs began to walk erect, and the new slogan became, "Four legs good, two legs better."

Memories and eyesight began failing as the animals aged, so the non-pigs -- watching a card game through the window --noticed without comment that after the head pig and a human had each played an ace of spades simultaneously a loud argument ensued, and the faces of the clothed and erect pigs changed so much that the non-pigs couldn't be sure which in the room were animals and which were human.

There, the book ends.